(2001) 'Responding to the Racialisation of Irishness:
Disavowed Multiculturalism and its Discontents'
Sociological Research Online, vol. 5, no. 4, <http://www.socresonline.org.uk/5/4/lentin.html>
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Received: 18/9/2000 Accepted: 16/2/2001 Published: 28/2/2001
In the name of the Most Holy Trinity, from Whom is all authority and to Whom, as our final end, all actions both of men and States must be referred, We, the people of Éire, Humbly acknowledge all our obligations to our Divine Lord, Jesus Christ, Who sustained our fathers through centuries of trial... Do hereby adopt, enact and give to ourselves this Constitution (Bunreacht na hÉireann, 1937).
No thoughtful Irishman or woman can view without apprehension the continuous influx of Jews into Ireland and the continuous efflux of the native population. The stalwart men and bright-eyed women of our race pass from our land in a never-ending stream, and in their place we are getting strange people, alien to us in thought, alien to us in sympathy, from Russia, Poland, Germany and Austria... people who come to live amongst us, but who never become of us... (United Irishman, 23 April 1904, cited by Keogh, 1998: 42).
It has always been the policy of the Minister for Justice to restrict the admission of Jewish aliens, for the reason that any substantial increase in our Jewish population might give rise to antisemitic problem (cited by Goldstone and Lentin, 1997).
We can listen and we can learn from the experiences of others. We must have controls over immigration... And we should certainly not expect the least advantaged and least educated communities in Dublin and elsewhere to be the sole unassisted hosts of ghettos and newcomers. Down that road lies certain disaster (Myers, 1998: 15).
The multicultural illusion is that dominant and subordinate can somehow swap places and learn how the other half lives, whilst leaving the structures of power intact. As if power relations could be magically suspended through the direct exchange of experience, and ideology dissolve into the thin air of face-to-face communication (Cohen, 1988: 13).
I'll not be leaving Kentish Town now except in a brown box and when I do I'll be going to Labasheeda to lie with Maggie. I've left the instructions. The girl who lives in the flat downstairs knows what to do. The governor of the Gloucester Arms. The women whose dog I walk on weekday afternoons. And I've written it all out on a paper that's on the table beside the bed. There's the key to the box that has the money. How many feet of tunnelling to buy a coffin? How many to send me to Labasheeda? These hands. Battered and scarred like all of our hands. What travels through the tunnels? Who drives over the roads? What happens within the brick walls? Do the people there think of the men who built them? (O'Grady and Pyke, 2000: 152).
contemporary diasporic identities provide a strong basis from which to oppose contemporary expressions of racism. Immigrant and mobile populations have been able to construct images of identity that are based neither on the assimilationist model nor defensive strategies against assimilationism. Rather, the older, internal relation between racism and diasporisation has been broken by the ability of groups to claim a diasporic status on the basis of a public and not private articulation of self- identity (Wieviorka, 1998b: 69).
2There are also 7,000 Travellers in Northern Ireland and another 14,000 in Britain, according to the Irish Traveller Movement.
3One consequence of Ireland's current economic boom, besides a serious shortage in labour in all sectors of industry and commerce, is Ireland turning from a nation of emigrants to a net in-migration destination: in the late 1990s, the net in-migration, made up mostly from returning Irish emigrants, was 66,000, compared with 200,000 emigrants in the 1980s (Wren, 2000: 14). A total of 336,000 immigrants are expected in Ireland in the six years between 2001 and 2006 (McManus, 2001: 1).
4But also in a variety of bottom-up antiracist groups and initiatives, by the Travelling community, several African and refugee groups and otherwise mostly spurred by socialist and extreme left politics, e.g. the Dublin-based Anti-Racism Campaign, the National Federation of Campaigns agaist Racism, Comhlámh Refugee Support Group, SARI - Sport Against Racism in Ireland, as well as the Socialist Workers' Movement-backed Anti-Nazi League (see Tannam et al, 1998).
5Interculturalism is defined by the National Committee on Racism and Interculturalism thus: 'The development of an intercultural approach implies the development of policy that promotes interaction, understanding and integration among and between different cultures and ethnic groups without glossing over issues such as racism' (NCCRI, 2000).
6According to the figures supplied by the Asylum Division, Refugee Applications Centre, Department of Justice, Equality and Law reform in August 2000, since 1992 24,428 applications for asylum were received, of which 4,831 were withdrawn at various stages, 7,125 were refused, and 663 granted refugee status on the first hearing, plus another 602 on appeal. 208 people were granted temporary leave to remain. At the end of July 2000 12,522 asylum cases were still pending. Most asylum applicants (30.5% and 33.8% respectively) were from Nigeria and Romania (Asylum Division, 2000). In all, Ireland granted 1,546 people out of 24,428 applications refugee status or leave to remain, much less than the 10 per cent deemed by various government statements as 'genuine refugees'. However, the figures supplied by the Asylum Division are ambiguous (analysing the ambiguities is beyond the scope of this paper, but see Tracy, 2000, on the ambiguities of Irish government asylum and immigration statistics past and present). See also Haughey, 1999.
7See Finlay, 2000, on emerging protestant-Irish identities.
8The ICP's spokesperson, Áine Ní Chonaill, stood for the 1998 elections on an anti-immigration ticket, receiving 293 votes in Cork South-West (Cullen, 1998). In February 2000, the IPC distributed 5,000 leaflets demanding AIDs tests for all African asylum-seekers (Haughey, 2000a).
9My observations on the gendering of Irish racism are mostly based on personal communication by members of the Irish Association of Ethnic Minority Women, of which I was a member.
10The Illegal Immigrants [Trafficking] Bill, 2000, referred by the President to the Supreme Court, which, however, confirmed its constitutionality, contains serious human rights violations in relation to deportation orders and to appeal and judicial review processes (Refugee Protection Policy Group, 2000).
11It is interesting to note that the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform has chosen to appoint a new commission to manage its £4.5 million antiracism awareness campaign, instead of entrusting the campaign to the government's own advisory body, the NCCRI (Haughey, 2001b).
123. See MacLachlann and O'Connell, 2000 for a beginning of the debate in the Irish context.
13See McVeigh, 2000, for a critique of 'community relations' antiracist strategies in Ireland north and south.
14With the exception of the 1989 Incitement to Hatred Bill, a weak anti-defamation law, which yielded its first conviction only in September 2000 of a Dublin bus driver who referred to a Gambian passerger as a 'nig nog' and told him to go back to his own country (Crosbie, 2000a: 1), the 1999 Employment Equality Act and the 2000 Equal Status Bill, both prohibiting discrimination on the basis, amongst other things, 'race', ethnic or national origin of membership in the Travelling community, Ireland has no significant race relations legislation. In a conference on racism in September 2000, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform announced a review of the Incitement to Hatred Act. He also said that the government would ratify the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination which Ireland had hitherto failed to ratify (Crosbie, 2000b: 7).
16As evidenced, for example, by participants in the conference 'Ireland - Pluralism or prejudice?', organised by the Pan African Organisation and the Irish Council for Civil Liberties on January 27 2001 (see Donnellan, 2001: 13).
17This tutorial exercise is taken from 2 BBLS Criminal Law 2000/2001, Dr Paul Anthony McDermott, University College Dublin.
18 Although I accept Robbie McVeigh's challenge that the tap/Irish dancing interchange of Riverdance is 'as good a bit of antiracism as can be seen' (personal communication).
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